{"id":10808,"date":"2023-03-28T07:00:16","date_gmt":"2023-03-28T05:00:16","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/?post_type=undoingraceandracism&#038;p=10808"},"modified":"2023-03-28T13:24:31","modified_gmt":"2023-03-28T11:24:31","slug":"the-borders-of-normality","status":"publish","type":"undoingraceandracism","link":"https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/de\/undoingraceandracism\/the-borders-of-normality\/","title":{"rendered":"The Borders of Normality"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<style>\n\t.dkpdf-download-icon { height: 1.5rem; }\n<\/style>\n\n\n\n\t<div class=\"dkpdf-button-container\" style=\" text-align:right \">\n\n\t\t<a class=\"dkpdf-button\" href=\"\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/undoingraceandracism\/10808?pdf=10808\" target=\"_blank\">\n\t\t\t<img src='\/wp-content\/themes\/boasblogs\/dkpdf\/download_red.svg' class=dkpdf-download-icon'\/>\n\t\t<\/a>\n\t\n\t\t<!-- <a class=\"dkpdf-button\" href=\"\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/undoingraceandracism\/10808?pdf=10808\" target=\"_blank\"><span class=\"dkpdf-button-icon\"><i class=\"fa fa-file-pdf-o\"><\/i><\/span> Download PDF<\/a> &rarr; -->\n\n\t<\/div>\n\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">How can we describe the shifting ways in which racism intersects with other systems of oppression in the present? As an anthropologist who has researched the contemporary German far right from the perspective of gender and queer theory, I have frequently wondered about this question. A gender and queer theory informed ethnography can make important contributions to the conceptualization of racism because it can help us understand the ways in which friend-enemy dualisms function in the present\u2014be they on the level of gender and sexuality, migration or racialized differences.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In my fieldwork, I followed a group of gay men who were members of the far-right party \u201cAlternative for Germany\u201d (AfD)\u2014the \u201cAlternative Homosexuals\u201d (AHO). I also spoke to a range of other AfD politicians, both gay- and straight-identifying, who were not AHO members but who had in some way contributed to the gender and sexuality policies and discourses of their party. The narratives and practices of these people, although representing a very particular segment of the party, provide important insights into the political imaginary of the contemporary far right at large because they tell us something about who and what the far right constructs as \u2018enemies\u2019 today.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That said, it is important to bear in mind that focusing on the far right can serve to externalize racism, that is, to turn away from and overlook the more normalized and every-day workings of racism that are an integral part of the functioning of capitalist liberal-democratic societies. However, studying the far right is important not only because its violent racism is dangerous per se, but also because its political successes exacerbate the normalized racist status quo. Far-right racism, in other words, is not something that hinders the far right from gaining political majorities. It is, on the contrary, what makes far-right formations compatible with hegemonic discourses<a style=\"font-size: 80%; line-height: 125%;\" href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\"><sup>[1]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the worldview of the far right, the hierarchies and inequalities of the binary sex-gender system are the basis of a biopolitical project aimed at the reproduction of a racially and <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">ethnically homogenous <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Volksgemeinschaft <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(\u201cpeople\u2019s community\u201d)\u2014and, therefore, aimed also at the exclusion, oppression, or annihilation of its constitutive others. Importantly, however, this does not imply that members of \u2018othered\u2019 groups cannot be supporters of the far right or that they are per se excluded from the far right. Indeed, some of the boundaries the far right draws between insiders and outsiders have become more porous in recent years\u2014consider, for instance, the role of women as leaders in some European populist radical right parties. I argue below that this change is not only a symbolic one or mere tokenism. My material suggests that in the AfD (and arguably other Western European far-right formations), \u2018friend vs. enemy\u2019 dualisms, while not disappearing, are shifting: The gradual inclusion of some gay men goes hand in hand with the categorical exclusion of newly emerging others.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Contemporary far-right policy in Europe is centered around a racist fear of demographic transformations associated with immigration (Mayer, \u0160ori, and Sauer 2016, 98), as has become particularly visible since the crisis of the European border regime began in 2015: The far right problematizes the lower birthrates among \u2018autochthonous\u2019 European populations compared with higher birthrates among (mainly non-white Muslim) immigrants, and fears that eventually, those migrants and their descendants will outnumber white Europeans. Two threat scenarios (one \u2018from below\u2019 and one \u2018from above\u2019) and two corresponding enemy images (\u2018immigrants\u2019 and \u2018elites\u2019) frame this demographic discourse. On the one hand, the homogeneity of the nation appears to be threatened from \u2018below\u2019, that is, by poor and working-class male and female migrants: Male migrants of color, particularly from Muslim-majority countries, are seen as a potential danger to white women (Dietze 2016; Farris 2017), while the alleged threat posed by female migrants of color is their potential fertility (Mayer, \u0160ori, and Sauer 2016, 94). On this first level, we are dealing with femonationalist (Farris 2017) and homonationalist (Puar 2007) discourses which posit the superiority of the West vis-\u00e0-vis an uncivilized \u2018rest\u2019. This was also the level on which most of my interlocutors were particularly vocal: They argued that the immigration of homophobic Muslim men posed a particular risk to gays, and that therefore, strict and exclusionary migration and asylum policies would also be gay-friendly policies.<\/span><\/p>\n<figure><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-10813\" src=\"https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/03\/image-1_AHO-roll-up-banner-518x920.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"518\" height=\"920\" srcset=\"https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/03\/image-1_AHO-roll-up-banner-518x920.png 518w, https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/03\/image-1_AHO-roll-up-banner-810x1440.png 810w, https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/03\/image-1_AHO-roll-up-banner-864x1536.png 864w, https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/03\/image-1_AHO-roll-up-banner-1152x2048.png 1152w, https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/03\/image-1_AHO-roll-up-banner.png 1836w, https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/03\/image-1_AHO-roll-up-banner-518x920@2x.png 1036w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 518px) 100vw, 518px\" \/><figcaption>\n<p style=\"font-size: 80%; line-height: 125%;\"><em> A roll-up banner of the AHO reads \u201cOrlando, June 12th, 2016. They had to die because they were gay. 49 homosexuals brutally executed by Islamists\u201d, referring to the mass shooting at the Orlando nightclub \u201cPulse\u201d. The banner also features a large black cross in the background and the AfD\u2019s slogan, \u201cMut zur Wahrheit\u201d (\u201cDaring to Tell the Truth\u201d). \u00a9 Patrick Wielowiejski<\/em><\/p>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">From \u2018above\u2019, on the other hand, the demographic structure of the European nations appears threatened by \u2018the elites\u2019\u2014imagined as detached, cosmopolitan, individualist, \u2018politically correct\u2019, often childless feminists and lesbians. Not only does the far right claim that it is they who want to open the borders for migrants (this enemy image was prominently embodied by the figure of Angela Merkel during the last years of her chancellorship). The alleged influence of feminism and gender studies on a governmental level is also said to be the reason why white European women are having less children and feel downright pressured into sacrificing having children for their careers. Furthermore, according to this ideology, the recognition of non-heteronormative, trans, inter, and non-binary ways of living\u2014promoted and enforced by these putative feminist elites\u2014threatens the moral model of the heterosexual nuclear family which is seen to be the bedrock of a high birthrate (Paternotte and Kuhar 2017; Graff and Korolczuk 2022). This anti-elitism has structural affinities with antisemitism to the extent that it fantasizes that the function of \u201cgender ideology\u201d is to control the \u2018masses\u2019 and destroy Christian civilization (Graff 2022, 437).<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, when we study a racist formation like the far right from a queer perspective, we could, for instance, start by interrogating the position of gays and queers in this formation. Such a queer perspective brings with it a heightened sensitivity for the lived realities of subjects at odds with heteronormativity and binary gender norms as well as for discourses of normality and identity more generally. Indeed, one of my interlocutors\u2019 central preoccupations was their conflicted and contradictory relationship to \u2018normality\u2019. Some of them, especially the ones who were not members of the AHO, argued that homosexuality was considered completely normal nowadays, that discrimination was not an issue anymore, and that now that legal equality had (almost) been achieved, there was nothing left for gays and lesbians to fight for politically. Now that their sexual orientation finally did not matter anymore, there was no need to \u201cflaunt\u201d it. Consider this quote by my interlocutor Michael, who was a member of a state legislature in Eastern Germany. Speaking about gay pride parades in his city, he said:<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I don\u2019t know what they want anymore. We have marriage equality, everything is done. If they want to celebrate, let them go out and celebrate, but that\u2019s a political event they\u2019re doing there. It\u2019s like: \u201cWe are here, we are loud.\u201d (Laughs.) There used to be two gay bars here, and they don\u2019t exist anymore. Why don\u2019t they exist anymore? Because people can go anywhere! Without being discriminated against or attacked. It\u2019s just <i>normal<\/i>. Almost nobody joins those LGBT associations anymore. There\u2019s just a small bunch of guys left, most of them just have mental problems and meet there as a discussion group<a style=\"font-size: 80%; line-height: 125%;\" href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\"><sup>[2]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The disappearance of gay bars in his city was in fact a good sign for Michael: To him, it was an indication that gays are no longer discriminated against in other bars. According to Michael, people who are still members of gay and lesbian organizations nostalgically insist on being different from the rest of society. If they have not arrived in the \u2018normality\u2019 of society yet, it is their own problem, their own stubbornness, their own adherence to the stigma of homosexuality: \u201cIt\u2019s normal! And at some point, you have to accept it as normal for yourself.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That is also the reason why Michael did not see a point in getting involved in the AHO although he had been asked several times whether he would like to join. But Michael did not think that such a group was necessary because he did not experience homophobia in the AfD. Little by little, he recounted, everyone in the AfD knew that he was married to a man, but nonetheless the members at the base of the party voted for him: \u201cFor me, that\u2019s proof that they\u2019re not homophobic.\u201d Michael was not fundamentally against the existence of the AHO. But \u201cif they got too loud\u201d, as he said, he would find it counterproductive. It was important to Michael that his politics had nothing to do with him being gay, and that is why he did not want to be perceived as such: \u201cI am myself because of what I stand for, my sexual orientation doesn\u2019t matter.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Michael and some other interlocutors of mine who argued like him adhered to values such as restraint, discretion, and respectability. With historian and queer theorist Lisa Duggan, we could call this a homonormative position:<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">a politics that does not contest dominant heteronormative assumptions and institutions but upholds and sustains them while promising the possibility of a demobilized gay constituency and a privatized, depoliticized gay culture anchored in domesticity and consumption. (Duggan 2002, 179)<\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Heteronormativity, the biopolitical basis of the <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Volksgemeinschaft<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, is being reproduced by Michael\u2019s narrative rather than contradicted through it: As long as he is integrated into the national imaginary, that is, as long as he is granted citizenship rights (particularly access to the heteronormative institution of marriage), Michael does not see a point in politicizing homosexuality\u2014he even finds that dangerous. All my interlocutors, gay or straight, agreed that heteronormativity was the <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">sine qua non <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">of a far-right political project. However, some of them chose to flaunt their otherness as gays in public, staged themselves as deviant, and <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">appropriated and affirmed the position of the outsider\u2014the opposite of Michael\u2019s approach. A straight-identifying AfD politician from Southwest Germany that I talked to, who was considered an extreme right-winger within the AfD group he was a member of in parliament, said of the AHO: \u201cIf we didn\u2019t have these flamboyant personalities [\u201cParadiesv\u00f6gel\u201d], it would be boring in the AfD!\u201d The figure of the <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Paradiesvogel<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, literally a bird of paradise, was in fact a good description of my interlocutor Andreas, I thought, who half-jokingly liked to call himself the \u201ctoken gay\u201d of the AfD. Let me illustrate this second and rather different approach to \u2018normality\u2019 by portraying Andreas in more detail.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Andreas was a member of a Western German state parliament but known widely in the party. His visual appearance alone stood out: Each of his outfits was colorful, right down to his shoes. He often underscored his words with sweeping, erratic gestures and pointed laughs. In his apartment, the little cartoon character Ziggy was everywhere. Ziggy as a sailor, Ziggy as a cook, Ziggy as a prison inmate. On his travels through Germany, Andreas always had a Ziggy figure with him; every now and then Andreas would send me a photo of one of his Ziggies. Andreas liked the little bald man with the huge bulbous nose because, as he said, Ziggy was not the strong superhero who saved the world, but rather an anti-hero who always got into some kind of mess and illustrated the absurd situations of life. In a comic strip from 1971, Ziggy stands on a closed-off path, with the sign \u201cWet cement\u201d in front of him. To the right and to the left of the path, there is also no further way, two signs warning: \u201cKeep off the grass\u201d. A double bind. The name Ziggy, I read, came about because his creator Tom Wilson had a character in mind that always comes at the very end in the alphabetical order of life: \u201cZiggy is a last-in-line character. [&#8230;] The last picked for everything and kind of a lovable kind of loser character\u201d (The Hollywood Reporter 2011). Andreas, it seemed, identified with that characterization\u2014and he made it his trademark.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At a national party convention in 2017, Andreas ran for the party executive committee. He told me that there were many people who somehow tried to get through to the party members with their concerns, whereas he preferred to keep a low profile. But lo and behold, Bj\u00f6rn H\u00f6cke, the charismatic leader of the extreme right wing of the party had approached him personally and congratulated him on his \u201cwonderfully likeable speech\u201d. Andreas thought you had to do something different to stand out at all, so he told me he had put on a \u201cgay-looking\u201d sweater that must have made him look kind of funny. H\u00f6cke had said to him that he was actually the only likeable candidate, if only because of the way he \u201cpranced up\u201d to the stage. The whole room, Andreas said, started laughing: \u201cIn a positive sense!\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It seemed to me that Andreas liked himself in this role. At the last AHO meeting I attended in January 2019, he asked me why I was always so serious, \u201csuch a normal guy\u201d. In contrast to his homonormative colleagues, Andreas always wanted to stand out, to be recognizable as a gay man, not as perfectly assimilated, but as eccentric. Confirming his own \u201cabnormality\u201d (a term Andreas consciously used to refer to himself and gay people in general), Andreas also contributed to upholding heteronormativity, but not so much by behaving \u2018like everyone else\u2019 and desiring inclusion, but by embodying and performing the discursive position of the constitutive outside. As Claudia Liebelt reminds us in an essay on the AfD\u2019s 2021 federal election campaign (\u201cGermany. But normal.\u201d), the construct of the \u2018normal\u2019 is never innocent: It presupposes the construct of the \u2018abnormal\u2019 and produces a pressure to conformity (Liebelt 2021). However, Andreas did not seem to feel that kind of pressure\u2014quite the contrary, he seemed to be accepted precisely because he was such an \u2018anomaly\u2019. But perhaps this is a role that only one or very few people can take on\u2014<\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Paradiesv\u00f6gel<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> who stick out like a sore thumb.<\/span><\/p>\n<figure><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-10815\" src=\"https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/03\/image-2_people-waving-AfD-flags-920x518.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"920\" height=\"518\" srcset=\"https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/03\/image-2_people-waving-AfD-flags-920x518.png 920w, https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/03\/image-2_people-waving-AfD-flags-1440x810.png 1440w, https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/03\/image-2_people-waving-AfD-flags-550x310.png 550w, https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/03\/image-2_people-waving-AfD-flags-1536x864.png 1536w, https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/03\/image-2_people-waving-AfD-flags-2048x1152.png 2048w, https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/03\/image-2_people-waving-AfD-flags-920x518@2x.png 1840w, https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/03\/image-2_people-waving-AfD-flags-550x310@2x.png 1100w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 920px) 100vw, 920px\" \/><figcaption>\n<p style=\"font-size: 80%; line-height: 125%;\"><em> People waving AfD flags and a flag of Saxony at a rally. \u00a9 Patrick Wielowiejski<\/em><\/p>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/>\nRegardless of whether or not they performed normality, what all my interlocutors could agree on was that normality and (hetero)normativity were good things in need of protection, and they had a clear compass in terms of what they considered normal and what they did not: Most importantly, for them, it was normal that Germany was Christian and white, and that heterosexual families with children were the nucleus of that nation. As opposed to earlier formulations of queer theory that argued that \u201c[q]ueer is by definition <i>whatever<\/i> is at odds with the normal\u201d (Halperin 1995, 62; emphasis in original), more recent contributions have problematized the ways in which queer subjectivities do not only subvert normative orders but can also be co-opted by them and play a role in their reproduction (e.g. Castro Varela, Dhawan, and Engel 2011; Duggan 2003; Edelman 2004; Eng, Halberstam, and Mu\u00f1oz 2005; Haritaworn, Kuntsman, and Posocco 2014). Thus, the dualisms between subversion and reproduction, oppression and resistance are being questioned in queer studies. The relation of queerness to normativity is set in motion. While normativity and identity were the primary targets of an earlier queer critique, this \u201cnormative antinormativity\u201d (Biruk 2020, 633) has come under scrutiny (Wiegman and Wilson 2015), particularly based on qualitative empirical <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">research. As it turns out, people\u2019s lived reality is never free of normativity, and even queer lifeforms can have a positive attitude to different variants of normativity. Often, queers find themselves in a complicated situation where they have to carefully negotiate their relation to normative orders such as the family (Nelson 2015) or religion (van Klinken 2019) because in their situation, plain rejection is not an option. Thus, a queer position does not have to be tantamount to an unequivocal resistance against the norm (or identity). This complexity, these aporias between normativity and antinormativity, between identity politics and a critique of identity, seem to me to lie at the heart of queerness in the present. In contrast, the results of my fieldwork suggest that in this historical conjuncture, an anti-queer position is not one that condemns each and every form of deviation, but rather one that aims at avoiding ambiguity, neatly separating conformity and transgression.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">What does all of this tell us about racism? At the end of the day, contemporary far-right ideology always has to do with the drawing of clear boundaries between inside and outside, normal and abnormal, friend and enemy, both when it comes to geopolitical borders and the boundaries of sex and gender. Some of these borders and boundaries might be shifting. My claim is that, in contemporary far-right ideology, the dividing line between \u2018healthy\u2019 and \u2018mentally ill\u2019, between \u2018normal\u2019 and \u2018perverted\u2019, does not run between hetero and homo, but rather between forms of life that affirm normality and identity (such as my interlocutors) and those that are critical of normality and identity. While the categorical borders of normality have become more fluid for some gay men, the new abject enemy is everyone whose politics and positionality question heteronormativity and the binary sex-gender system: particularly non-binary and inter folks, gender studies scholars and feminists, or queer families, to name but a few. Therefore, a queer critique of far-right ideology needs to be more than just a critique of discourses of normality and identity. Instead of affirming these new boundaries and thereby occupying the imaginary position of the enemy, a queer critique of far-right racism rejects such friend-enemy dualisms\u2014be it terms of gender, sexuality, migration, or racialized differences. As opposed to the far right, it embraces ambiguity.<\/span><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p><strong>Footnotes<\/strong><br \/>\n<a href=\"#_ftnref1\" name=\"_ftn1\">[1]<\/a>I use the term \u201cfar right\u201d in Cas Mudde\u2019s sense, according to whom the defining criterion of the \u201cfar\u201d right is its opposition to liberal democracy: While the conservative or liberal\/libertarian right approves of liberal democratic institutions and procedures, the far right does not (Mudde 2019, 7). Mudde further differentiates the extreme right from the radical right, whereby the former is seen as a revolutionary force opposed to democracy <i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">tout court<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, while the latter rejects only the principles of <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">liberal <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">democracy (such as minority rights, the rule of law, and the separation of powers) (ibid.).<\/span><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref2\" name=\"_ftn2\">[2]<\/a>All quotes from interviews translated by the author. To protect privacy, all names are pseudonyms.<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p><strong>References\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<div style=\"text-indent: -2em; padding-left: 2em;\">\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Biruk, Cal. 2020. \u201cNormative Anti-Antinormativity?\u201d <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> 10 (2): 633\u201336.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Castro Varela, Mar\u00eda do Mar, Nikita Dhawan, and Antke Engel, eds. 2011. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hegemony and Heteronormativity: Revisiting \u201cThe Political\u201d in Queer Politics<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Farnham\/Burlington: Ashgate.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Dietze, Gabriele. 2016. \u201cDas \u2018Ereignis K\u00f6ln.\u2019\u201d <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Femina Politica<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> 25 (1): 93\u2013102.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Duggan, Lisa. 2002. \u201cThe New Homonormativity: The Sexual Politics of Neoliberalism.\u201d In <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Materializing Democracy: Toward a Revitalized Cultural Politics<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, edited by Russ Castronovo and Dana D. Nelson, 175\u201394. Durham: Duke University Press.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u2014\u2014\u2014. 2003. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Twilight of Equality? Neoliberalism, Cultural Politics, and the Attack on Democracy<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Boston: Beacon Press.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Edelman, Lee. 2004. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Durham\/London: Duke University Press.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Eng, David L., Jack Halberstam, and Jos\u00e9 Esteban Mu\u00f1oz. 2005. \u201cIntroduction: What\u2019s Queer About Queer Studies Now?\u201d <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Social Text<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> 23 (3\u20134): 1\u201317.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Farris, Sara R. 2017. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the Name of Women\u2019s Rights: The Rise of Femonationalism<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Durham: Duke University Press.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Graff, Agnieszka. 2022. \u201cJewish Perversion as Strategy of Domination: The Anti-Semitic Subtext of Anti-Gender Discourse.\u201d <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Journal of Modern European History<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> 20 (3): 423\u201339.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Graff, Agnieszka, and El\u017cbieta Korolczuk. 2022. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Anti-Gender Politics in the Populist Moment<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. London\/New York: Routledge.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Halperin, David M. 1995. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Saint Foucault: Towards a Gay Hagiography<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. New York\/Oxford: Oxford University Press.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Haritaworn, Jin, Adi Kuntsman, and Silvia Posocco, eds. 2014. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Queer Necropolitics<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Abingdon\/New York: Routledge.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Liebelt, Claudia. 2021. \u201cDie AfD und ihr Normalit\u00e4tsbegriff: Deutschland brutal.\u201d <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">taz<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, May 30, 2021, https:\/\/taz.de\/!5771233\/.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mayer, Stefanie, Iztok \u0160ori, and Birgit Sauer. 2016. \u201cGendering \u2018the People\u2019: Heteronormativity and \u2018Ethno-Masochism\u2019 in Populist Imaginary.\u201d In <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Populism, Media and Education: Challenging Discrimination in Contemporary Digital Societies<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, edited by Maria Ranieri, 84\u2013104. London\/New York: Routledge.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mudde, Cas. 2019. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Far Right Today<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Cambridge\/Medford: Polity.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Nelson, Maggie. 2015. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Argonauts<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Minneapolis: Graywolf Press.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Paternotte, David, and Roman Kuhar. 2017. \u201c\u2018Gender Ideology\u2019 in Movement: Introduction.\u201d In <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilizing against Equality<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, edited by Roman Kuhar and David Paternotte, 1\u201322. London\/New York: Rowman &amp; Littlefield.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Puar, Jasbir K. 2007. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Durham\/London: Duke University Press.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">van Klinken, Adriaan. 2019. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Kenyan, Christian, Queer: Religion, LGBT Activism, and Arts of Resistance in Africa<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Wiegman, Robyn, and Elizabeth A. Wilson. 2015. \u201cIntroduction: Antinormativity\u2019s Queer Conventions.\u201d <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Differences<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> 26 (1): 1\u201325.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p><em><strong>Patrick Wielowiejski, M.A.<\/strong>, is a research assistant at the Institute for European Ethnology at Humboldt University Berlin and academic coordinator of the DFG Research Unit \u201cLaw \u2013 Gender \u2013 Collectivity: The Contested Universal and the New Common\u201d. He recently submitted his doctoral thesis titled \u201cRechtspopulismus und Homosexualit\u00e4t: Eine Ethnografie der Feindschaft\u201d (\u201cRight-Wing Populism and Homosexuality: An Ethnography of Enmity\u201d). His research interests include political anthropology, the anthropology of the far right, gender and queer studies, and socio-legal studies. In his new research project, Patrick focuses on practices and narratives of the Polish opposition leading up to the parliamentary elections in the fall of 2023, with a particular focus on the role of law in mobilizations against the far-right government.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"","protected":false},"author":21,"featured_media":0,"menu_order":0,"template":"","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"inline_featured_image":false,"footnotes":""},"autor":[636],"class_list":["post-10808","undoingraceandracism","type-undoingraceandracism","status-publish","hentry","autor-patrick-wielowiejski"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/undoingraceandracism\/10808","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/undoingraceandracism"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/undoingraceandracism"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/21"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/undoingraceandracism\/10808\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10817,"href":"https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/undoingraceandracism\/10808\/revisions\/10817"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=10808"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"autor","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/boasblogs.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/autor?post=10808"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}